https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/issue/feed Advances in Social Work 2020-01-31T11:07:36-05:00 Margaret E. Adamek madamek@iupui.edu Open Journal Systems <p><em>Advances in Social Work</em> is a peer-reviewed journal committed to enhancing the linkage among social work practice, research, and education. Accordingly, the journal addresses current issues, challenges, and responses facing social work practice and education. The journal invites discussion and development of innovations in social work practice and their implications for social work research and education. <em>Advances in Social Work</em> seeks to publish empirical, conceptual, and theoretical articles that make substantial contributions to the field in all areas of social work including clinical practice, community organization, social administration, social policy, planning, and program evaluation.</p> https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/23885 Now is the Time 2020-01-30T11:07:55-05:00 Amy B. Murphy-Nugen abmurphynugen@wcu.edu Sunny Harris Rome srome@gmu.edu 2020-01-28T22:42:34-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Amy B. Murphy-Nugen, Sunny Harris Rome https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22639 Revising McPhail’s Feminist Policy Analysis Framework 2020-01-30T11:11:15-05:00 Heather Kanenberg kanenbergh@uhcl.edu Roberta Leal lealR@uhcl.edu Stephen "Arch" Erich erich@uhcl.edu <p>In 2003, McPhail published a Feminist Policy Analysis Framework concluding that the many available methods of policy analysis across disciplines, including social work, treated policies as gender-neutral compositions. McPhail (2003) asserted that these methods denied the many ways that institutions and policies of society are organized by the concepts of gender, therefore presenting incomplete products of analysis. This guiding purpose for the development of McPhail’s (2003) Feminist Policy Analysis Framework endures a full fifteen years later. In the years since publication of McPhail’s Framework, advancements have been made in both feminist theory and in policy analysis methods. This conceptual article outlines a much-needed revision moving the framework into a contemporary position with the inclusion of a focus on privilege, oppression, and intersectionality. The revised framework presented herein is a more conceptually comprehensive and practical model for use by all, but particularly social work students and scholars. The revised model represents an update rendering it more effective in today’s polarized political climate as well as with the recently revised social work educational policy (Council on Social Work Education, 2015). A revised framework of Feminist Intersectional Policy Analysis is presented, including guiding questions and conceptual complexities to consider in the work of analysis.</p> 2020-01-22T12:28:08-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Heather Kanenberg, Roberta Leal, Stephen "Arch" Erich https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22631 Analyzing Social Policy from a Network Perspective 2020-01-30T11:11:55-05:00 Jill M. Manit manitj@sacredheart.edu Aleksey Kolpakov akolpakov@unr.edu William Eubank bille@unr.edu <p>Governance models influence the approach that public service organizations take when implementing programs, policies, and practices. The networked model of governance supports the involvement of multiple actors who span organizational boundaries and roles to implement solutions to address complex social problems. This paper presents the utility of network analysis for the study of policy implementation from a network perspective. The paper describes networks within the context of social work policy implementation, basic network components, common structural variables, and sources of data for the study of policy implementation. A study of a statewide policy implementation is partially presented as an illustration of the use of network analysis in social policy research. The illustration uses primary and secondary data with network analysis techniques to identify and describe the patterns of interactions that comprise the structure of the implementation network. The illustration will present examples of the study findings to demonstrate the utility of network analysis in identifying central network actors and describing the density of the network according to different network variables. The paper concludes with a summary of the utility of network analysis in the study of policy implementation with recommendations for future research.</p> 2020-01-22T00:00:00-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Jill M. Manit, Aleksey Kolpakov, William Eubank https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22603 Same Problem, Different Policies 2020-01-30T11:10:55-05:00 Marietta Anne Barretti mbarrett@optonline.net <p>Educators teaching policy analysis can choose from many available frameworks, varying in purpose and approach. These frameworks typically advise students to view policies as transient and context-sensitive, but to view the problems activating the policies as objective and static conditions. How problems are variably framed in policy relative to how students are advised to analyze them has not captured the profession’s interest. This article presents 1) an overview of policy analysis frameworks; 2) a summary of findings from a recent study investigating how social policy texts advise students to analyze problems and; 3) a social constructionist framework (matrix) that provides an historical and contextual view of social problems and policy responses. This Problem-to-Policy framework corrects the omissions in most frameworks by including the forces that contributed to a problem’s discovery and construction, while also identifying periods of silence when the problem endured yet faded from view. The author argues that this framework bolsters policy practice by 1) emphasizing those problem frames and contexts that historically led to progressive policies and 2) underscores the urgency for social workers to engage with affected populations in the initial (re)claiming and (re)framing of problems, rather than during the later policy-making stages when constructions have already presaged policy responses.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> 2020-01-22T12:37:35-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Marietta Anne Barretti https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22642 Lessons Learned 2020-01-30T11:11:35-05:00 Ann Curry-Stevens currya@pdx.edu Lisa Hawash lhawash@pdx.edu Sarah Bradley bradles@pdx.edu <p>Over the last 10 years, the MSW program at Portland State University has gone from graduating 15% of its students in the macro concentration, to 32%, while the national average remains under 9%. This article traces that experience through a historically-grounded narrative line, and extracts learnings that are potentially relevant for the profession. Curricular practices include reviewing the content for horizontal and vertical integration, introducing macro content early in the first year of the program with sufficient time to inform students’ choice of concentrations, and providing students influence to shape content in the advanced year. Faculty specializations and community reputation are important, as is ensuring that macro faculty have security in status, and that they become known to first year students. The article also includes tensions that emerged during the development process, with potential to derail the effort.</p> 2020-01-22T00:00:00-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Ann Curry-Stevens, Lisa Hawash, Sarah Bradley https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22614 Creating a Culture of Voting in Direct and Generalist Practice 2020-01-30T11:10:35-05:00 Shannon Lane lanes4@sacredheart.edu Katharine Hill kmhill1@stthomas.edu Jason Ostrander ostranderj@sacredheart.edu Jenna Powers jenna.powers@uconn.edu Tanya Rhodes Smith tanya.smith@uconn.edu Mary E. Hylton maryelainehylton@gmail.com <p>Social workers have an ethical responsibility to be engaged in policy change, regardless of their practice area or specialization. Voter engagement and the importance of political power through voting is often overlooked in the literature as a valid and important component of social work practice. Creating a culture of nonpartisan voter engagement in practice settings can help empower individuals who have been historically and intentionally disenfranchised from our electoral system. Training for field instructors, faculty, and field staff is a key aspect of voter engagement in social work education. Unfortunately, social work education is unlikely to include substantive content on voter engagement or its connection to social work practice and impact. This article presents one component of a model for integrating voter engagement into social work education: the provision of training for field instructors on nonpartisan voter engagement at two universities over two years. Evaluation findings suggest that pre-existing levels of political efficacy affect the reaction of field instructors to nonpartisan voter engagement training. Furthermore, findings indicate that field instructors who receive voter engagement training are more likely to serve as resources for their students and to consider voter engagement as part of their own practice. We offer evidence on the important role field educators can play in the success of the larger national effort to integrate voter engagement in social work education. Increasing awareness of what social workers, nonprofit, and public agencies are allowed--or even required--to do is a critical first step.</p> 2020-01-22T12:43:45-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Shannon Lane, Katharine Hill, Jason Ostrander, Jenna Powers, Tanya Rhodes Smith, Mary E. Hylton https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22624 Health Insurance and Youths’ Unmet Health Care Needs 2020-01-30T11:08:35-05:00 Sarah J. Faubert sarah.j.faubert@wmich.edu Bridget E. Weller bridget.weller@wmich.edu Anna K. Ault anna.ault@duke.edu <p>This study examined the relationship between youth health insurance status, insurance type (public versus private), and youths’ unmet health care needs. A secondary analysis was conducted using data from the 2016 National Survey of Children’s Health, a nationally representative, cross-sectional survey of U.S. youth. The sample included data from caregivers of 40,723 Hispanic, non-Hispanic black, and non-Hispanic white youth (0-17 years old) and was 49% female. Mplus 8.2 was used and statistical models accounted for the complex survey design. Using unweighted and weighted descriptive statistics and weighted probit regression models, we found that youth without health insurance were significantly more likely to have unmet health care needs compared to those with either public or private health insurance. We further found no statistically significant difference in unmet needs between youth with public and private health insurance. Our findings suggest that increased access to health insurance coverage, regardless of insurance type, may be an important policy focus when addressing youths’ unmet health care needs. Our findings can be used to guide future social work advocacy regarding health insurance policy.</p> 2020-01-28T12:54:15-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Sarah J. Faubert, Bridget E. Weller, Anna K. Ault https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22613 The LGBT Elder Americans Act 2020-01-31T11:07:36-05:00 Austin G. Oswald aoswald@gradcenter.cuny.edu Daniel Gardner dgardn@hunter.cuny.edu Nancy Giunta ngiunta@hunter.cuny.edu <p>The social positioning of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) older adults is influenced by a constellation of historic and contemporary policies that shape the way they interact with the world around them. Although the past few decades have witnessed several legislative decisions that reflect a more open stance toward LGBT individuals, there remains a lack of federal policies that protect them. This paper provides a critical analysis of the LGBT Elder Americans Act of 2019, a bill amending the Older Americans Act of 1965 to include LGBT older adults in the definition of those with “greatest social needs” for the purpose of service planning and implementation. As a theoretical framework, we apply a life course perspective and an equity lens to examine the promise and limitations of the LGBT Elder Americans Act in meeting the needs of LGBT older adults. It is critically important for social work practitioners, policy makers, and scholars to understand the principles that drive policy debates so that they can advocate on behalf of the most vulnerable members of the population. We offer three recommendations for future policy making: i) Apply a life course perspective to understand the lived experiences of LGBT elders; ii) Apply an equity lens to public policy; and iii) Expand research to guide and advance policy development.</p> 2020-01-22T12:58:34-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Austin G. Oswald, Daniel Gardner, Nancy Giunta https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22611 Sibling Violence 2020-01-30T11:12:35-05:00 Nathan H. Perkins nperkins2@luc.edu Susan F. Grossman sgrossm@luc.edu <p>Social work has played an integral role in the conceptualization and implementation of policy aimed at prevention and intervention of various forms of family violence. Seminal federal policies to address child abuse and neglect (Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act), elder abuse (Elder Justice and Older Americans Acts), and intimate partner violence (Violence Against Women and Family Violence Prevention and Services Acts) all focus on specific types of violence in the family. To date, however, there are no federal policies specifically addressing physical and/or emotional sibling violence (Perkins, Coles, &amp; O’Connor, 2017; Perkins &amp; O’Connor, 2016). This article examines the exclusion of policy addressing physical and emotional sibling violence considering other family violence policies. Along with prevalence, consequences, and associative factors connected to sibling violence, definitional issues that impede the creation of policy to address this form of family violence are highlighted. Children as a marginalized population, deserving the attention of social workers through policy advocacy will be discussed as well as psychoeducation and interprofessional collaboration that may facilitate the creation of policies aimed at addressing this form of family violence.</p> 2020-01-22T00:00:00-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Nathan H. Perkins, Susan F. Grossman https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22606 Creating a Tool for Assessing Domestic Violence Risk and Impact Among TANF Clients 2020-01-30T11:09:55-05:00 Jordan J. Steiner jjs424@ssw.rutgers.edu Laura Johnson ljohnson@ssw.rutgers.edu Andrea Hetling ahetling@rutgers.edu Hsiu-Fen Lin hl522@ssw.rutgers.edu Judy L. Postmus postmus@ssw.rutgers.edu <p>The Family Violence Option (FVO), a provision of the 1996 welfare legislation, allows states to waive certain program requirements for domestic violence (DV) survivors in order to protect them from danger or penalties. The absence of a standardized method for assessing risk and impact has been an impediment to states’ use of the FVO, particularly in the granting of waivers. The purpose of this study was to address this limitation by developing and testing a risk and impact assessment tool for DV survivors applying for waivers under the FVO. Therefore, a collaborative effort between state administrators and researchers was formed which included input from welfare staff and DV advocates. Background research included reviews of validated risk assessments and FVO policies, as well as primary data from focus groups and surveys with staff from the state human services organization, county welfare agencies, and DV organizations. A tool was then created with 131 questions covering demographics, abuse experiences, partner access and risk, perceptions of safety, and emotional health, and piloted in four counties. Two hundred and thirty-seven completed assessments were analyzed using descriptive statistics, principal component analysis, and feedback from assessors. The final tool (n= 95 items) was informed by validated evidence and frontline practice wisdom, recommended to improve FVO utilization and survivor outcomes. From this study, the authors recommend that other states seeking changes to their FVO risk assessment policy and practice explore collaborative partnerships between practitioners and researchers in order to make decisions informed by best practices and systematic research. They should also pursue cross departmental training of risk assessment tools to prevent a siloed approach to FVO implementation.</p> 2020-01-22T13:06:55-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Jordan J. Steiner, Laura Johnson, Andrea Hetling, Hsiu-Fen Lin, Judy L. Postmus https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22608 Safety for American Indian Women 2020-01-31T11:06:30-05:00 December Maxwell december.maxwell@uta.edu Sarah Robinson sarah.robinson3@mavs.uta.edu <p>American Indian/Native American (AI/NA) women are disproportionately affected by intimate partner violence (IPV). The Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act (VAWA) of 2013 included new provisions under the Title IX Safety for Indian Women. This act created funding for the implementation of modern criminal justice structures allowing tribal governments to prosecute non-Indian perpetrators. Although this piece of legislation is meant to address the high prevalence of gender-based violence perpetrated against AI/NA women, it has not been analyzed using indigenous or feminist perspectives. A policy analysis model was developed, incorporating indigenous values, feminist perspectives, tribal critical race theory, and social construction and historical contexts to examine Title IX's goals, social values, and outcomes from an indigenous perspective. The analysis reveals the intentions of Title IX to promote indigenous values of empowerment and interdependence but fails to account for the historical marginalization of AI/NA people and the tendency of AI/NA women to distrust law enforcement. Although Title IX did create cultural change and enhance acknowledgment of IPV improvements are needed to make a more indigenous-focused, feminist-based policy. These suggestions include providing access to culturally sensitive law enforcement approaches for AI/NA women, accounting for historical factors, and creating a standardized pathway for prosecution, which incorporates feedback from tribal members.</p> 2020-01-22T13:11:57-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 December Maxwell, Sarah Robinson https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22605 American Indian Fragile Families and the Marriage Initiative 2020-01-30T11:12:55-05:00 Gordon Earl Limb gordon_limb@byu.edu Kevin Shafer kevin_shafer@byu.edu <p>Beginning in the mid-1990s, the federal government, supported by both Republican and Democratic administrations, has allocated roughly $1.5 billion to promote “healthy marriage initiatives.” A major target of these initiatives have been unmarried parents, or what researchers call fragile families. Over the past two decades, studies have examined this issue within the general population. This study applied three areas of the marriage initiative used by McLanahan (2006) to American Indian people: potential participation in marriage promotion programs, potential impact of marriage programs, and likelihood of marriage. Data for 3,152 women were examined from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, including 154 who self-identified as American Indian. This study showed that American Indians exhibited a high willingness to participate in marriage promotion programs. American Indians were less likely than other racial/ethnic groups to see marriage as better for children. This study underscores the need to understand American Indian families and their unique approaches to developing healthy marriage and family structures. For marriage promotion programs to work, they should reflect the cultural practices of the individual American Indian communities.</p> 2020-01-22T00:00:00-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Gordon Earl Limb, Kevin Shafer https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22599 A Decade's Tale 2020-01-30T11:09:14-05:00 Dasha J. Rhodes daeva14@morgan.edu David L. Robinson darob40@morgan.edu Paul C. Archibald paul.archibald@morgan.edu Laurens Van Sluytman laurens.vansluytman@morgan.edu <p>According to the U.S. Department of Justice (US DOJ, 2016), African Americans have experienced disproportionate instances of police use of excessive force as a result of discriminatory practices and insufficient training. Officers are permitted to use appropriate force in specific situations; however, when force is excessive and deemed unnecessary, it then becomes an issue of concern. The U.S. Department of Justice was invited to investigate police departments that participated in the use of excessive force and a consent decree was developed with those departments to remedy the DOJ's findings. The researchers conducted a consent decree analysis examining government investigations of police practices throughout the U.S. between 2008 and 2018 comprising the following terms: police reform, consent decrees, settlement agreement, investigation reports, use-of-force, and policy to determine how prevalent excessive force was used towards African Americans. Findings indicated that within the decade, 14 cities were investigated, 12 were identified as using excessive force, with nine having their use-of-force policies available, and four municipalities using excessive force against African Americans. Social work values, advocacy, and cultural training were also identified to aid in the decrease of excessive force complaints.</p> 2020-01-22T13:25:47-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Dasha J. Rhodes, David L. Robinson, Paul C. Archibald, Laurens Van Sluytman https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22622 An Emerging Theory to Guide Clinical Social Workers Seeking Change in Regulation of Clinical Social Work 2020-01-30T11:12:15-05:00 Dianna Cooper-Bolinskey dianna.cooper@Capella.edu <p>U.S. regulation of social work began in the 1940s. By the mid-1990s, all jurisdictions within the United States regulated the profession through licensure. One purpose of licensure is to protect the public and the profession; however, legislation defining social work varies vastly among jurisdictions. The variation exists not only between jurisdictions, but also within licensure categories. The disparity within clinical social work continues without resolve. This qualitative study explored the barriers encountered and solutions used in three states as they secured laws allowing licensed clinical social workers to independently provide mental health services. Grounded theory research, based on information from 12 historians, is used to develop a theory to aid advocates in jurisdictions not yet achieving fully independent practice of clinical social work. The emerging theory offers a complex-systems approach to using a strategic framework to overcome barriers when attempting policy change. The primary purpose of the research is to develop strategies that aid in securing changes in clinical social work regulation. The emerging theory may serve a broader purpose by supporting the Association of Social Work Board’s (ASWB) goal of practice mobility and license portability. As advocates in various jurisdictions attempt to align regulations with the Model Social Work Practice Act from ASWB, they may experience barriers. This emerging theory could guide efforts to change clinical social work regulation.</p> 2020-01-22T00:00:00-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Dianna Cooper-Bolinskey https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22609 Clinical Social Workers, Gender, and Perceptions of Political Participation 2020-01-30T11:08:55-05:00 Jason A. Ostrander jostrandersw@gmail.com Janelle Bryan Bryanj@sacredheart.edu Shannon R. Lane shannon.lane@yu.edu <p>Political participation to create social change is considered a professional and ethical imperative for social workers. Although researchers have examined overall political participation by social workers, little is known about how clinical social workers participate and the broader societal factors that influence their political participation. A critical phenomenological methodology was used with a sample of 23 clinical social workers from New England states to (1) identify how socio-political forces influenced their political activity; and, (2) understand how the concept of power affected individuals’ level of engagement or inclination toward the political process. This article describes one of the study’s major findings. Female participants described themselves as unqualified and/or unknowledgeable in the political sphere, with low levels of ambition and confidence to engage in political processes. Many female participants also described the challenges of achieving a work-life balance between their careers and traditional gender-based roles with little time left for political engagement. Social work education and policy advocacy can affect change that will increase the internal and external efficacy of social workers and create a policy environment that allows more options for all social workers in balancing the demands of professional and personal lives.</p> 2020-01-22T13:34:30-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Jason A. Ostrander, Janelle Bryan, Shannon R. Lane https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/22576 Political Primacy and MSW Students' Interest in Running for Office 2020-01-30T11:08:15-05:00 Patrick Meehan pjmeeh@umich.edu <p>Although social workers are understood to participate in politics more than the general public, little is known about their interest in running for office. To understand how individuals in “helping” professions like social work may think about running for office, this study introduces the concept of political primacy. Political primacy refers to the value individuals assign to elected office’s ability to make a difference, relative to alternative ways of making a difference. Using data from the Michigan Law &amp; Social Work Study, representing a sample of 545 MSW and 200 JD students across Michigan, political primacy was shown to significantly predict MSW students’ interest in running for office at the local level. Consequently, the more MSW students see elected office as a more effective way of making a difference than alternatives, the more interested they will be in running for office. Implications for social work education are discussed, including the socialization of social work students into politics.</p> 2020-01-28T12:56:52-05:00 Copyright (c) 2020 Patrick Meehan